थर्मल गन समूहको कब्जामा अर्थतन्त्र, कतिन्जेल धान्ला त चौर्यतन्त्रले?

पहिले उनीहरू सहकारीको नाममा आए र जनतालाई लुटे, तर म बोलिनँ किनभने मेरो कुनै बचत सहकारीमा थिएन। त्यसपछि उनीहरू नियामक निकायमा नियुक्तिको नाममा आए, तर म बोलिनँ किनभने म अर्थमन्त्री थिइनँ, जो नियामक निकायमा नियुक्तिको लागि बढी जिम्मेवार हुन्छन्। अनि अन्त्यमा, उनीहरू अर्थतन्त्र मास्न आसोपासे पुँजीवादको नाममा आए, र तबसम्म अर्थतन्त्रलाई बचाउन सक्ने कोही पनि बाँकी थिएन।

नेपालमा क्रमिक रूपमा बढ्दो आसोपासे पुँजीवादले अर्थतन्त्रलाई डामाडोल बनाइरहेको छ। तैपनि, सरकार जनताको महत्त्वपूर्ण आर्थिक समस्यालाई सम्बोधन गर्नुभन्दा सत्तामा टिकिरहन मरिहत्ते गरिरहेको देखिन्छ। यो समस्या अर्थतन्त्रमा अचानक आएको होइन। नेपालको अर्थतन्त्र झन्डै दुई दशकदेखि अर्थात् जबदेखि माओवादी २०६३ सालमा शान्ति प्रक्रियामा सामेल भएर र राजनीतिको मूलधारमा आयो, त्यतिबेलादेखि नै ओरालो लागिरहेको छ। संयोग पनि कस्तो रह्यो भने २०६३ सालपछि हालसम्म एकाधबाहेक करिबकरिब सबै सरकारमा माओवादी सामेल छ।

२०६३ साल मंसिर ५ गते तत्कालीन प्रधानमन्त्री गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइराला नेतृत्वको सरकार र त्यसबेला नेपाल कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी (माओवादी) भनिने हालको नेपाल कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी (माओवादी केन्द्र) बीच विस्तृत शान्ति सम्झौतामा हस्ताक्षर भयो। सम्झौतापछि २० वर्ष नबित्दै नेपालमा १६ वटा सरकार बनिसकेका छन्।

राजनीतिक दलहरूले २०६३ सालमा विस्तृत शान्ति सम्झौतामा हस्ताक्षर गर्दा नेपालमा राजनीतिक क्रान्ति सम्पन्न भएको दाबी गरेका थिए। सँगसँगै अब आर्थिक क्रान्तिको समय आएको उद्घोष पनि गरेका थिए। 

त्यसयताका प्रत्येक नयाँ सरकार सिंहदरबार छिर्दा आर्थिक क्रान्तिका ठूलाठूला वाचा गर्छन्। तर अन्त्यमा, सत्तासीनका र उनीहरूकै आसोपासेको जीवनमा मात्रै आर्थिक क्रान्ति हुन्छ। जनताको जीवन उपेक्षित नै छ। सत्ताका आसेपासेका जीवनमा अचानक र आश्चर्यजनक आर्थिक क्रान्ति हुँदै गर्दा सर्वसाधारणको जीवन झन् दुष्कर हुँदै गइरहेको छ। कारण यसो पनि होला, राजनीतिक दलहरूले अझै पनि, ‘आर्थिक क्रान्ति कसरी गर्ने?’ भन्ने मेसो पाएका छैनन्। त्यसैले थर्मल गन ग्याङजस्ता स्वार्थ समूह शक्तिकेन्द्रमा हाबी छन्, नियुक्ति अनि सरुवा, बढुवामा राम्रै आर्थिक सहयोग गर्न सक्ने समूहहरूको कब्जामा सरकार परेको छ।

जति सरकार परिवर्तन भइरहन्छन् र राजनीतिक अस्थिरता लम्बिन्छ, त्यति नै यस्ता स्वार्थ समूहहरूको पकडमा शासन सत्ता रहिरहन्छ। बाहिर देखिँदा राजनीतिक दलले शासन गरेको देखिए पनि भित्री रूपमा भने बालुवाटरदेखि बुढानीलकण्ठसम्म तथा बालकोटदेखि खुमलटारका शयनकक्षसम्म स्वार्थ समूहहरूको पहुँचले अन्ततः मर्कामा पर्ने सर्वसाधारण नै हुन्। त्यसैले सर्वसाधारणलाई जीवनयापन गर्न जति कठिन भए पनि राजनीतिक दल र राजनीतिक दलका नेता अनि आसेपासेका राजसी जीवनशैली र ठाँटबाँठमा कुनै फरक परेको छैन, झन् रवाफ बढ्दो छ।

स्वार्थ समूहको जालोमा परेका कारण पनि सरकारको ठूलो हिस्सा भ्रष्ट भइसकेको छ। यसरी राज्य स्रोतको दोहन गर्दै सरकार पूर्ण रूपमा वा सरकारको ठूलो हिस्सा भ्रष्टाचारमा लिप्त हुनुलाई चौर्यतन्त्र भनिन्छ। चौर्यतन्त्रले नेपाललाई हानि पुर्‍याउँदा, गरिबी र असमानता बढाउँदा, आर्थिक वृद्धिलाई कमजोर बनाउँदा, सबै क्षेत्रमा भ्रष्टाचारलाई प्रोत्साहित गर्दा तथा मानव अधिकार उल्लंघन र दमन बढ्दै जाँदा स्वार्थ समूह मोटाउँदै गएका छन्। अझ भन्नु पर्दा तिनले एकप्रकारले सत्ता कब्जा नै गरेका छन्। अर्थतन्त्रको भने झन् ढाड खुस्कँदैछ। ओरालो लागेको लाग्यै छ।

जुन आर्थिक नीतिले तीन दशकसम्म अर्थतन्त्र टिकायो
तर, सधैँ यस्तो थिएन। २०४६ सालको प्रजातान्त्रिक आन्दोलनपछि गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइराला नेतृत्वको सरकारले ल्याएको उदार आर्थिक नीतिले नेपालको अर्थतन्त्रलाई झन्डै तीन दशकसम्म टिकायो। सुरुदेखि नै नेकपा (एमाले) र पछि २०६३ सालपछि लगातार सत्तासुखमा लिप्त भएका माओवादीद्वारा अत्यन्त आलोचित भएर पनि उदार अर्थनीतिले एक दशक लामो माओवादी सशस्त्र द्वन्द्वका खराब दिनहरूमा समेत नेपालको अर्थतन्त्रलाई टाट पल्टन दिएन।

द्वन्द्वको समयमा सुरक्षा चुनौती र अनिश्चितताका बाबजुद अर्थतन्त्र र अर्थतन्त्रको प्रमुख चालक निजी क्षेत्र आजको जस्तो सत्ताका आसेपासेका नियन्त्रणमा थिएनन्। उदार अर्थनीतिले नेपालीहरूलाई आर्थिक स्वतन्त्रताको अभ्यास गर्ने अवसर प्रदान गरेको थियो। जसका कारण थुप्रै नयाँ उद्योगहरू स्थापना भए र प्रत्यक्ष वैदेशिक लगानी पनि नेपालमा भित्रियो। 

उदार आर्थिक नीतिकै कारण नेपाल लगानीको लागि आकर्षक गन्तव्य बन्यो। निजी क्षेत्रले फस्टाउने मौका पायो। स्वदेशमा नै रोजगारी सिर्जना भए। जसकारण सरकारको ढुकुटीको आकार पनि बढ्दै गयो। आर्थिक वर्ष २०४५–४६ मा सरकारले ७ अर्ब ७७ करोड रूपैयाँ मात्र राजस्व संकलन गरेकोमा आर्थिक वर्ष २०५०–५१ सम्म आइपुग्दा १९ अर्ब ५८ करोड रूपैयाँ पुगेको थियो भने आव २०६२–६३ मा ७२ अर्ब २८ करोड तथा आव २०७२–७३ मा आइपुग्दा ४ खर्ब ६० करोड पुगेको थियो। 

तर, आर्थिक वर्ष २०७२–७३ पछिका वर्षहरूमा सरकारले विस्तारै उदार अर्थनीतिलाई उल्टाउँदै जान थाल्यो। स्वच्छ र प्रतिस्पर्धी बजार अभ्यासको सट्टा उदार अर्थनीतिको नाममा धेरै विकृतिहरू भित्र्याउन थाल्यो। अनि सरकारको राजस्वको लक्ष्य भेटिन पनि मुस्किल हुन थाल्यो। 

एकातिर पछिल्ला सरकारहरूले उदार अर्थतन्त्र र खुला बजार अर्थतन्त्रको भेद पनि छुट्याउन सकेनन् भने अर्कोतिर आफूले नै सधैँ विरोध गरेको आर्थिक नीतिमा नै चल्नु परेका कारण उनीहरू आफैँ नीतिगत द्विविधामा रहे। त्यसैले उनीहरू अल्मलिनु अनौठो रहेन पनि होला।

खुला बजार अर्थतन्त्रमा आपूर्ति र मागद्वारा वस्तु तथा सेवाको मूल्य निर्धारण गरिन्छ, जहाँ सरकारको हस्तक्षेप न्यून हुन्छ। तर उदार अर्थतन्त्रमा न्यूनतम तर आवश्यक नियमन तथा सरकारी हस्तक्षेपको पनि परिकल्पना गरिएको छ। यदि प्रतिस्पर्धालाई निषेध गरिएमा वा बजारमा विकृति आएको खण्डमा उदार अर्थतन्त्रले नियामक निकायमार्फत बजार असफलतालाई सुधार गर्दछ।

त्यसैले परिपक्वरूपमा उदार अर्थतन्त्रको अभ्यासपछि मात्रै खुला बजार अर्थतन्त्रमा जान सकिन्छ। नेपालमा विरोधको नाममा सबै घोलमाल गर्ने वा समर्थनको नाममा भएजति सबै विकृति भित्र्याउन पनि पछि नपर्ने सरकारहरूका कारण २०७२ को संविधानमा समाजवादउन्मुख अर्थनीति लेखिएपछि त समस्या झनै बढ्दै गयो।

एकातिर २०४६ सालपछिको उदार आर्थिक नीतिअन्तर्गत प्रभावकारी नियामक निकायको स्थापनामा ढिलाइ भइरहेको र कतिपय अवस्थामा नियामक निकाय स्थापना गर्नै असफल भएका कारण उदार अर्थनीतिका विकृती बढ्दै थिए भने अर्कोतिर नीतिगत अस्थिरता तथा विचलन एवं आर्थिक एवं राजनीतिक दर्शनकै बेमेलका कारण पनि झन् द्विविधा बढे।

किनकि जबसम्म बलियो नियामक निकायहरू र उदार अर्थनीतिको सिद्धान्ततः कडाइका साथ पालना हुँदैन तबसम्म खुला बजार अर्थतन्त्रमा रूपान्तरण हुन त चुनौती रहन्छ नै, समाजवादउन्मुख अर्थतन्त्रतिर भन्दा चौर्यतन्त्रको लागि गजबको अवसर सिर्जना हुन्छ। त्यसमाथि अधिकांश नेपाली राजनीतिक दल तथा नेताहरू समाजवादी शिक्षामा दीक्षित भएका कारण पनि उनीहरू उदार अर्थतन्त्रको नाममा आसोपासे पुँजीवाद तथा चौर्यतन्त्रको माखेसाङ्लोमा फसे। अनि यो वा त्यो वादका नाममा विभिन्न रूप तथा रङका स्वार्थ समूहहरू राजनीतिक दलमाथि हाबी हुन थाले।

राजनीतिका अनौठा सम्बन्ध
उदार अर्थतन्त्रको नाममा आसोपासे पुँजीवाद तथा चौर्यतन्त्रको माखेसाङ्लो बलियो हुँदै गएका कारण थर्मल गन समूहजस्ता स्वार्थ समूहको चलखेल बढ्न थालेको छ। उनीहरू सरकारका आर्थिक तथा सामाजिक नीतिमा नियन्त्रण गर्न रणनीतिक रूपमा आफ्ना बुख्याचाहरूलाई प्रमुख नियामक निकायमा नियुक्ति दिलाउँछन् र अर्थतन्त्रलाई आफ्नो स्वार्थमा चलाउँछन्। 

र, यस्तो हुनुमा राजनीतिक दलहरूको असक्षमता पनि एउटा प्रमुख कारण हो। पछिल्ला दशकमा बनेका हरेक सरकारमा वामपन्थी बर्चस्व छ। २०६३ सालयता छोटो समय गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइरला, सुशील कोइराला तथा शेरबहादुर देउवाका सरकार बने। तर ती पनि वामपन्थी राजनीतिक दलसहितका थिए। त्यसबाहेक सबै सरकारको नेतृत्व वामपन्थी दलले गरेका छन्। त्यसैले समाजवादी विचारधारामा दीक्षित नेतृत्वका सरकारहरूले स्वार्थ समूहहरूलाई नीतिमा नै खेल्न सहज बनाइदिए। नेपाली कांग्रेसमा नै पनि एउटा समूह अझै समाजवादी विचारधारा पछ्याउँछ भने वामपन्थी राजनीतिक दलको त कुरै भएन। यसले गर्दा राजनीतिकरूपमा आआफ्ना दर्शनका कुरा गरे पनि अर्थतन्त्रमा भने आसेपासे पुँजीवाद हाबी हुन सहज भयो। 

उदार अर्थतन्त्रमा नियामक निकायको भूमिका महत्त्वपूर्ण हुन्छ। नियामक निकायका पारदर्शी अनुगमन तथा नियमनमा अर्थतन्त्रले सही बाटो समात्छ। तर, जब स्वार्थ समूहले नियामक निकायमा आफ्ना बुख्याचाहरू नियुक्ति गर्न थाले, यसले अर्थतन्त्रलाई मात्र क्षति भएन, पुराना राजनीतिक दल र सरकार पनि बदनाम भए।

आज नागरिकमा देखिएको परम्परागत राजनीतिक दलहरू प्रतिको असन्तोष, वितृष्णा तथा तीव्र आक्रोश नियामक निकायमा भएका नांगो हस्तक्षेप र नियुक्ति पनि हो। नियामक निकायमा स्वार्थ समूहका बुख्याचाहरू नियुक्त गरेर ती निकायलाई पंगु बनाएका कारण सर्वसाधारणको धन तथा सम्पत्तिको सुरक्षा गर्न सरकार चुकेको छ। र सरकारको विरोधमा विभिन्न रंग रूपका नयाँ तथा पुराना शक्तिहरू सडकमा सलबलाउन थालेका छन्।

सरकारले सर्वसाधारण तथा निजी क्षेत्रको विश्वास गुमाएका कारण नै पछिल्ला केही वर्षदेखि सरकार आफ्ना राजस्व लक्ष्य पूरा गर्न पनि असफल भएको छ। जब गलत मानिस नियामक निकायमा नियुक्त हुन्छ, निजी क्षेत्रको आत्मविश्वास घट्छ। अनि अर्थतन्त्रमा ८१ प्रतिशत योगदान दिने निजी क्षेत्रलाई आफनो दुहुनो गाई मात्र बनाउने तर प्रतिस्पर्धात्मक रूपमा उद्यम गरेर खान नदिने, व्यवधान सिर्जना गर्ने नियामकका कारण अर्थतन्त्र धरासायी हुन्छ। अहिले भइरहेको त्यही हो। 

नियामक निकायमध्ये अब्बल मानिएको तथा अर्थतन्त्रको मेरुदण्डलाई स्वस्थ राख्न नेपाल राष्ट्र बैंकको प्रमुख भूमिका रहन्छ। राष्ट्र बैंकका वर्तमान गभर्नर महाप्रसाद अधिकारीको कार्यकाल एक महिनाभित्र समाप्त हुँदैछ। त्यसैले थर्मल गन समूहले १८औँ गभर्नर नियुक्तिमा आफ्नो अह्रनखटन मान्ने निमित्त पात्रको नियुक्तिको लागि लबिइङ सुरू गरिसकेको छ। 

यदि योग्य र अनुभवी व्यक्ति नियुक्त गर्नुभन्दा, धितोपत्र बोर्ड तथा नेपाल बीमा प्राधिकरणमा जस्तै एउटा कुनै निमित्त पात्रलाई जालझेल गरेर नियुक्त गरियो भने, नेपालको वित्तीय क्षेत्र मात्र नभएर सम्पूर्ण अर्थतन्त्र नै गम्भीर संकटमा पर्नेछ। सुनिँदैछ, नेपाल स्टक एक्सचेन्जमा पनि एउटा निमित्त पात्र खडा भैसकेको छ र देखावटीरूपमा औपचारिकता पूरा गरिँदैछ। यसरी, सम्पूर्ण वित्तीय क्षेत्र नै धरासायी बनाउने गरी सरकार स्वार्थ समूहको अगाडि नतमस्तक हुनु भनेको अर्थतन्त्र उठ्न नसक्ने गरी थला पर्नु हो। 

उदार अर्थतन्त्रका आधारभूत सिद्धान्तहरूसँग नै बेमेल हुने गरी आसोपासे पुँजीवाद फस्टाउने वातावरण राजनीतिक दलहरूले सिर्जना गरेका कारण बजारमा कार्टेलिङ र सिन्डिकेट बढेको छ। जसले समाजको प्रत्येक क्षेत्रलाई नकारात्मक असर पारेको छ। यसको कारण के पनि हो भने जसले सदैव उदार आर्थिक नीतिको विरोध गरे उनीहरू नै पछिल्ला दशकमा उदार अर्थ नीतिलाई आफ्नो स्वार्थअनुसार प्रयोग गरिरहेका छन्। थर्मल गन समूह त सरकार र प्रमुख राजनीतिक दलहरू– नेपाली कांग्रेस, नेकपा एमाले, माओवादी केन्द्र, क्षेत्रीय तथा साना दललगायतका आर्थिक नीतिका असफलताका बाइप्रोडक्ट मात्र हुन्। 

त्यसैले, अर्थतन्त्र आज यस्तो विकृत अवस्थामा पुगेको छ कि नेपालमा कसैले पनि आफ्नो भविष्य देखेको छैन। नीतिगत हस्तक्षेप र नियामक संस्थाहरूको कब्जा यसैगरी जारी रहे, नेपालमा केही वर्षभित्रै काम गर्ने उमेर समूहका युवा भेटिँदैनन्। उत्पादन छैन, उत्पादकत्व घट्दो छ, ऋण लिएर कतिसम्म देश चल्छ, अनि श्रीलङ्काको जस्तै आर्थिक संकट भोग्नु नपर्ला भन्ने के छ र?

यी सबैको कारण, नेपालमा अहिले स्पष्ट आर्थिक नीतिको अभाव छ। संविधानमा समाजवादउन्मुख अर्थतन्त्र लेखिएको छ। समाजवादमा पुग्न पहिला उदार अर्थतन्त्रको परिपक्व अभ्यास गर्दै अगाडि बढ्नु पर्थ्यो। उदार अर्थतन्त्रको परिपक्व अभ्यास गर्दैै अगाडि बढेर सरकारको आम्दानी बढाउनु पर्थ्यो अनि मात्र सरकारले नागरिकमाथि लगानी गर्ने क्षमता विकास गर्नसक्छ, समाजवादतर्फ उन्मुख हुन सक्छ। 

सरकारको आम्दानी बढाउन स्वतन्त्ररूपमा काम गरिखाने वातावरण बन्नु पर्थ्यो। तर, २०४६ को दशकको उदार आर्थिक नीतिबाट पछि हट्दैहट्दै पञ्चायतकालीन राज्य नियन्त्रित अर्थतन्त्रको बाटोमा लाग्दै गइरहेका कारण र राज्यसत्तामा विभिन्न रङ तथा रूपका थर्मल गन समूहजस्ता स्वार्थ समूह हाबी भएकै कारण सर्वसाधारणको जीवन आर्थिकरूपमा कष्टकर बन्दै गएको छ। मुठ्ठीभरलाई त हिजो पनि स्वर्ग नै थियो नि नेपाल।

यसको अर्थ के हो?
यसको अर्थ हो, नेपालमा आज आर्थिक नीतिको अभाव छ। ‘नेपालसँग कुनै आर्थिक नीति छैन,’ गत साता काठमाडौँमा आयोजित प्रथम ‘प्रभाकर शमशेर राणा मेमोरियल लेक्चर’ मा तारा म्यानेजमेन्ट प्रालिका अध्यक्ष सिद्धार्थ राणाले आफ्ना विचार राख्ने क्रममा भने।

उनको भनाइ एकदम सही हो। आज सरकारसँग आफ्नो स्पष्ट आर्थिक दृष्टिकोण, नीति तथा रणनीति केही पनि छैन। जसरी पनि सत्तामा टाँस्सिरहने तथा निजी क्षेत्रको दोहन गर्ने बाहेक कुनै ठोस योजना तथा नीति नभएका कारण पछिल्ला वर्षहरूमा सरकारले राजस्वका लक्ष्य भेट्न नसकेको यथार्थ हो। 

हामी २०४६ सालपछिको उदार आर्थिक नीतिबाट पछाडि फर्कंदै छौँ र फेरि पञ्चायती युगको राज्य–नियन्त्रित प्रणालीमा फर्कने तयारी गर्दैछौँ, वा समाजवादउन्मुख उदार अर्थ नीतिमा नै प्रतिबद्ध छौँ? यो प्रश्नको उत्तर सरकारसँग छैन। किनकि कहिले सरकार आफैँले सबै काम गर्न खोजेजस्तो देखिन्छ भने कहिले सार्वजनिक हितको बेवास्ता गर्दै सर्वसाधारणका सम्पत्ति तथा पसिनाको कमाइलाई च्याँखे थापेर खुला बजार अर्थनीतिका नाममा थर्मल गन समूहजस्ता स्वार्थ समूहहरूलाई मौकामा चौका हान्न खुला छोड्छ। त्यसैले नेपाल अहिले आसोपासे पुँजीवादको चरमोत्कर्षमा पुगेको छ भन्दा अत्युक्ति नहोला। 

नेपाल आज कुशासन र आसोपासे पुँजीवादको दुष्चक्रमा फसेर ओरालोतर्फ लाग्दै गर्दा सरकारले व्यक्तिगततर्फ नेपालकै सबैभन्दा ठूलो करदाता सिद्धार्थ राणाको विचारलाई गम्भीर रूपमा लिनुपर्छ। उनका व्यवसायहरूले मात्र सरकारको कर राजस्वमा चार प्रतिशतभन्दा बढी योगदान गर्छन्। सरकारले वैध करदाताहरूको कुरा सुन्ने कि कर छल्नेहरूको, यो निर्णयले पनि नेपालको भविष्य निर्धारण गर्नेछ।

‘सबैभन्दा दुखद कुरा के छ भने, हामी अहिले सम्भावित राजनीतिक प्रणाली परिवर्तनको कुरा गरिरहेका छौँ र संविधानलाई दोष दिन थालिसकेका छौँ,’ राणा चिन्ता व्यक्त गर्दछन्। तर, आर्थिक चुनौतीहरूलाई सम्बोधन नगरी, संविधानलाई मात्र दोष दिनु वा राजनीतिक प्रणाली परिवर्तन गर्नु मात्रले केही उपलब्धि हासिल हुँदैन भन्ने त विगतको करिब आधा शताब्दीको अनुभवले पनि देखाएन र?

व्यवस्थाकै कुरा गर्दा संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र त लोकतान्त्रिक प्रणालीको उच्चतम् स्वरूप हो। यो भन्दा उन्नत प्रजातान्त्रिक प्रणाली हुनै सक्दैन। तर, यसलाई पूर्ण निष्ठाका साथ अभ्यास गर्नुपर्‍यो। अन्यथा फेरि अर्को कुनै व्यवस्थाको गोलचक्करमा पर्दा राजनीतिक दलहरूले आफ्नो विश्वसनीयता त गुमाउने छन् नै, नेपाल आर्थिकरूपमा टाट पनि पल्टने छ। किनकि कुनै पनि व्यवस्था साधन मात्र हो, साध्य होइन। र, सबै व्यवस्था सञ्चालन गर्ने चालक राजनीतिक दल नै हुन्। चालक खराब भएपछि जस्तै राम्रो सवारी साधन भए पनि भिरबाट खस्नबाट कसैले रोक्न सक्दैन। 

अन्त्यमा, ‘इन डिफेन्स अफ डेमोक्रेसी’ नामक पुस्तक विमोचन कार्यक्रममा कसैले पूर्व अर्थमन्त्री डा रामशरण महतलाई ‘इन डिफेन्स अफ लिबरलिजम’ शीर्षकमा पनि पुस्तक लेख्न अनुरोध गरे। उनी मुस्कुराए मात्रै। यदि डा महतले उदार अर्थनीतिमाथि पनि पुस्तक लेखेका भए कसरी पछिल्ला सरकारहरूले उदार अर्थतन्त्रको नाममा आसेपासे पुँजीवादलाई मलजल गरिरहेका छन्, कसरी थर्मल गन समूहजस्ता स्वार्थ समूहले नियामक संस्थाहरू कब्जा गरेर नीति नै ह्याक गरेर बजारमा विचलन ल्याई अर्थतन्त्र ध्वस्त बनाइरहेका छन् भन्ने बुझ्न सायद नागरिकलाई सहज हुने थियो।

(Published in nepalkhabar.com on March 20-https://nepalkhabar.com/opinion/230278-2025-3-19-14-50-33)

Thermal gun gang shoots economy dead

First, they came in the name of cooperatives and looted people, and I did not speak out because I had no deposits in cooperatives. Then they came in the name of appointment in regulators, and I did not speak out because I was not the finance minister, who is supposed to be more responsible for appointing regulators. And finally, they came for economy as cronies, and by then there was no one left to save the bleeding economy.

The rising cronyism in Nepal is bleeding the economy white. Yet, the government remains focused on clinging to power rather than addressing the people’s pressing economic concerns. And this is not a sudden crisis; Nepal’s economy has been in decline for almost two decades, ever since the Maoists entered the peace process in 2006 and subsequently became not only the part of the mainstream politics but also the part of government, and that too, repeatedly.

On November 21, 2006, the government led by the then Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Center) – then known as Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) – signed the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA). In less than 20 years after signing the CPA, Nepal has seen 16 different governments with political instability persisting.

While signing the peace accord in 2006, the political parties claimed that the political revolution in Nepal had ended and the time has come for an economic revolution. Every time, a new government enters Singha Durbar, it makes lofty promises of economic revolution. But at the end, only those in power benefit, while people’s lives remain neglected. Because the political parties are still clueless about, ‘how to do economic revolution?’ In this dilemma of political leaders, the economy has been hijacked by the cartels and syndicates like Thermal gun gang. The more political instability lingers, the greater will be their control in the governance, which will ultimately weaken the economy.

The 1990s economic policy
The liberal economic policy introduced by the then government led by Koirala after 1990’s democratic movement sustained Nepal for almost three decades. The policy, though frequently criticized and opposed by CPN (UML) and after Maoist Center, helped Nepal navigate through the worst days of a decade long Maoist armed insurgency also.

Despite security threats and uncertainties in those days, the private sector was not as dominated by cronies as it is today.  The liberal economic policy provided Nepalis with the opportunities to exercise economic freedom, leading to the establishment of many companies and quite impressive inflow of foreign direct investment (FDI). But the policy has now become ineffective due to government’s backtracking and market distortions disguised as liberal market practices.

In the meantime, the successive governments have oscillated between free market economy and liberal economic policies without a clear direction. In free market economy, an economic system that determines the prices of goods and services by supply and demand, with minimal government intervention, individuals and businesses operate based on their own interests, competing freely to produce and sell goods. But liberal economy incorporates limited but necessary regulations, and government interventions to ensure fairness and correct market failures.

Nepal adopted liberal economic policy in the 1990s, albeit delayed and in some cases failed in establishing robust regulatory institutions. Without robust regulatory bodies and strictly adhering to the liberal economic principles, transitioning to a fully free-market economic system remains a challenge. And majority of Nepali political leaders, who have socialist schooling, have also become entangled in cronies at this very crossroads.

Politics makes strange bed-fellows
And one of the top architects of this increasing cronyism is the Thermal gun gang, which has not only engaged in policy hacking but also placing strategically its stoops in key regulatory institutions to seize control of the economy. It has also become easier for them, as most of the political leaders lack fundamental understanding of economics and liberalism.

Successive governments have failed to understand the strategies of cronies largely because most of the governments in last four decades have been led by the communist parties, or coalition governments involving the communist leaders, with socialist schooling.

The regulator bodies play crucial role in functioning of liberal economy. But elite capture of these regulatory bodies and policy hacking have not only hit the economy so hard but also defamed the government and old political parties lately. The public’s growing frustration with the traditional political parties and leaders due to such elite capture of economy has fueled the rise of pro-Monarchist sentiments and so-called new political parties that lack ideology but are driven by a thirst for power.

Member of Parliament of a new political party, Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), Dr Swarnim Wagle, speaking in the parliament last week, showed serious concerns on such elite capture of economy. 

The government reluctance to start second-generation reform and its apathy toward economic issues have eroded Nepal’s economic foundations. It has further encouraged the private sector to compromise on corporate governance. When ethical business practitioners are penalized and fraudsters are rewarded, the private sector loses confidence. The government has, for the past few years, failed to meet its revenue targets, largely due to the declining business confidence of the private sector due to rising cronyism.

As a result, cartels and syndicates have infiltrated every sector of the economy, which contradicts the basic principles of liberal economy. There is something seriously wrong going on in Nepal because those, who were always opposed to the liberal economic policy, are now exploiting the policy under its guise in the past decades. And to no-one’s surprise, Thermal gun gang has become their closest ally.

It is no mystery how the infamous Thermal gun gang has such a strong hold on the government and political parties including Nepali Congress, CPN (UML), Maoist Center, even fringe parties, regional and splinter parties. The gang managed to appoint its minions as chiefs of the Securities Board of Nepal (SEBON) – after almost a year delaying for a certain person – in Nepal the Insurance Authority (NIA) by changing the criterion to favor its chosen candidate. Next, it is also planning to control the Nepal Stock Exchange (Nepse) – the frontline regulator – and even eyeing the appointment of the next governor of the central bank.

Just within a month, the tenure of incumbent governor of the central bank Maha Prasad Adhikari will end. And the Thermal gun gang has already started lobbying for a consensus candidate in a way that aligns with the interests of top-level leaders of all major parties to make the 18th governor of the Nepal Rastra Bank. Instead of an experienced and capable individual, who can lead the financial sector safely, if the government appoints yet another minion similar to recent appointments in the SEBON and the NIA, not only Nepal’s financial sector will suffer immensely but also the burden will fall upon ordinary citizens. The economy will be on the verge of collapse. 

During a conversation with former Finance Minister Dr Ram Sharan Mahat at the Finance Ministry in his last tenure, somebody asked him, "You opened the economy, and most of the leftists are taking advantage of liberal economy, they don’t support the idea, rather oppose it, what is your take?"

He said, "That is the beauty of liberal economy, every Nepali, be it leftist, rightist or centrist, can take advantage of liberal economy, even though they don’t believe or oppose the idea. The ultimate goal is to make a prosperous Nepal and liberal economic policy can make Nepal prosperous."

However, he overlooked the market penetration that, under the guise of a liberal economy, distorted its ideology through the formation of cartels, syndicates, policy hacking, and ultimately, elite capture.

"In that case, the market will punish them," Dr Mahat used to say. Yes, of course, the market will punish them, but the market is punishing the Nepali citizens too, who want to live in Nepal, work in Nepal and want their brighter future in Nepal.

Today, the economy has been distorted in such a manner, that no one sees future in Nepal, except cronies. As a result, there is a mass exodus of youth, which calls for Nepali economy for a complete overhaul. If policy hacking and elite capture in regulatory institutions continue, Nepal risks facing the same economic crisis that Sri Lanka experienced a few years ago.

What does it mean?
It means there is an economic policy void. Speaking at the ‘First Prabhakar SJB Rana Memorial Lecture’ in Kathmandu, last week, Tara Management chairperson Siddhartha SJB Rana stated bluntly, "Nepal has no economic policy."

He is right. Our government lacks clear economic strategy. Are we backtracking the liberal economic policy of the 90s and reverting to a state-controlled system reminiscent of Panchayat era or genuinely committed to liberal economic policy? It is a million-dollar question. At times, it seems that the government is backtracking and wants to do everything by itself, and at other times, it’s so much open to the cartels like Thermal gun gang to thrive at the expense of the public. No wonder, the cronyism in Nepal is at an all-time high.

As the largest individual tax payer of the country, Siddhartha SJB Rana's opinion should be taken seriously. His businesses, alone contribute to more than 4 percent to the government tax revenue. The government must decide whether to listen to legitimate taxpayers or tax evaders as its choice will shape the future of Nepal’s economy.

"We seem to be caught in a vortex, a downward spiral of mal governance and cronyism," Rana warned, urging the government to introduce an economic roadmap. "The disheartening thing is, I think today, we are talking about possible change in our political system. Already starting to blame the Constitution, a piece of paper."

And without addressing Nepal’s economic challenges, blaming the Constitution or changing political system alone will not lead to anywhere. Federalism is the highest form of democratic system, and it can be strengthened further by practicing it religiously, not half-heartedly.

During his book "In Defense of Democracy" launch, someone requested the then Finance Minister Dr Ram Sharan Mahat, to write also a book on "In Defense of Liberalism", he just smiled. Had he written such a book, people, perhaps, would have better understood how the successive governments have been fostering cronyism in the name of liberal economy, how the likes of Thermal gun gang have captured regulatory institutions and hacked the policy, to only shoot the economy dead.

(Published in nepalkhabar.com -- https://en.nepalkhabar.com/news/detail/13066/)

Mahat brings ‘Trails, Tremors and Hope’

Former finance minister and Nepali Congress (NC) stalwart Dr Ram Sharan Mahat launched his new book ‘Trails, Tremors and Hope: The Political Economy of Contemporary Nepal’ today.
The book – jointly launched by former president Dr Ram Baran Yadav and former foreign minister Bhekh Bahadur Thapa – deals with various ups and downs Nepal went through regime changes, promulgation of new constitutions, 2015-earthquakes, armed insurgency and peace process. "It is the second one after ‘In Defence of Democracy’," Mahat said addressing the ceremony.
“The first chapter of the book deals with ideological underpinnings, especially socialist philosophy adopted by the Constitution,” he said, remembering the Nepali Congress founder BP Koirala and his vision for socialism. “Likewise, the book also discusses Maoist insurgency followed by peace process and management of Maoist combatants, and issues formation of constitution.”
The book also discusses about Nepal’s foreign relation, especially geopolitics, and how the concept of Nepal being a ‘yam between two boulders’ is changing in the current times.
Describing about the book, Mahat said that the book also talks about 'competitive populism' that is increasing in recent years is fatal for the governance. “The book also dwells on Nepal’s hydropower potential, its present status, problems and prospects,” he said, adding that remittance and its impact on the lives of people, and need for rapid economic growth by attracting foreign direct investment are also discussed in the book. “The book raises concerns about financial sustainability of local governments.”
Apart from geo-politics and economy, the book also touches upon the issue of climate change and how Nepal has been affected by carbon emissions by two big fast industrialising neighbours China and India. After discussing about trails and tremors in Nepali polity and economy, Mahat talks about hopes in the last chapter of the book.
Speaking about the book and the writer Dr Mahat, former vice chair of the National Planning Commission (NPC) Dr Swornim Wagle said the most important chapter of the book is ‘Hope’. Mahat ends the book with hope, he said, lauding the book’s key message that is ‘no compromise with liberal democratic order.’
Wagle also compared the book with Mahat’s persona. “Performance evaluation, high moral and discipline are the key elements of Dr Mahat’s persona and so preaches the book,” he said, adding that the slowdown of economic reforms and indifference by incumbent government can also be read in the book.
“After going through the book, Dr Mahat seems to be becoming more flexible towards the liberal values,” said former finance minister Surendra Pandey, speaking about the book. He also blamed the author for failing to express his opinion on many issues like secularism and citizenship. “The book also fails to discuss the issue of land reforms as without land reforms no country in the world has been developed.”

Private sector mourns death of former PM Koirala

The private sector has expressed grief at the demise of former Prime Minister and Nepali Congress (NC) president Sushil Koirala. Koirala, 77, passed away today morning at his residence. The private sector was stunned by Koirala's sudden demise, they said.
Issuing separate statements, the Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI), Confederation of Nepalese Industries (CNI), Nepal Chamber of Commerce (NCC) and Non-Resident Nepali Association (NRNA) described Koirala's passing away as 'a great loss' to the nation.
According to the president of FNCCI Pashupati Muraraka, the country has suffered an unbearable loss. "Koirala had a significant contribution to the democratic movement with commendable leadership," he said, adding that the private sector will always appreciate his contribution of leading the country through the transition and promulgation of a new Constitution. It was Sushil Koirala, who drivered the promulgation of a new Constitution through the Constituent Assembly, despite a huge pressure from in and out of the country.
The FNCCI also claimed that Koirala was always concerned for the economic development of Nepal. "Now the implementation of the new Constitution and lead the country towards a prosperous future rests on the political parties," the umbrella organisation of the private sector said, adding that Koirala had played a legendary role in the democratic movement and especially in institutionalising democratic republic in the country. “During meetings with the private sector, Koirala used to encourage the private sector to make investments and attract foreign investment as well."
The biggest achievement of Koirala's political career was the promulgation of the Constitution on September 20, 2015. In his capacity as the Prime Minister, Koirala played a crucial role in generating political consensus for the statute’s endorsement despite various pressures.
Under his leadership, the Nepali Congree (NC) re-emerged as the largest party with the highest number of votes. Koirala led the government from February 2014, after the election to the second Constituent Assembly (CA). He was elected as the NC party president in September 2010.
Koirala, when was the premier, used to say that Nepal would embark on a economic development journey and the government’s focus would shift towards economic development once the Constitution was promulgated.
According to CNI, the country lost an honest and simple person with a clean character. "Koirala was a strong supporter of independence, democratic values and liberal economy," it further said, adding that Koirala’s death has not just created a void on the political front but also on the economic front.
The chamber has also lauded Koirala’s role in uniting the political parties for the promulgation of the new Constitution. "The people’s hopes of seeing a new constitution through the Constituent Assembly was fulfilled during his tenure,” according to president of chamber Rajesh Kazi Shrestha.
The supporter of open market and free economy, Koirala firmly believed open market and free economy play a crucial role for country's development and prosperity.
According to the chamber, Koirala always played an inspirational role for the country’s private sector. "Koirala believed that the sustainable development of the country was possible only through an open market, liberal economy and private sector," the NCC said, adding that he always believed the nation will prosper with private sector-led economic growth.
Though, he did not have much knowledge about economics, and was not aware of how it exactly functioned, he was keen on attracting domestic and foreign investments for employment generation and economic development of the country. He also used to say that the country’s resources have to be used properly so that prosperity could be shared.
Going against the tide, he also made some bold decisions like signing power trade deal with India during his 20-month reign from February 2014 to October 2015. Likewise, the signing of two agreements on development of 900MW Upper Karnali and 900MW Arun-3 hydroelectric projects worth over $2 billion was also possible under Koirala's premiership.
Koirala’s government also revived talks on construction of 5,600MW Pancheshwar Multipurpose Project after a hiatus of almost two decades; allowed at least three foreign companies to establish cement plants worth tens of billions of rupees; and lured billions of rupees of investment in the hotel sector. Koirala, however, did not sign any agreement that was against the national interest, despite pressures from within and outside his party.
During his tenure as Prime Minister Nepal's received a record Rs 270.60 billion foreign aid commitments in fiscal year 2014-15. Koirala also supported the process of revising or framing around three dozen policies and Acts to attract foreign investment and protect the interest of investors.
The Koirala government was also hailed by the international community as it was quick in responding the devastating earthquake of April 25 and mobilised the National Planning Commission -- chaired by him -- to conduct Post Disaster Needs Assessment (PDNA). An International Conference on Nepal's Reconstruction (ICNR) on the basis of PDNA helped Nepal receive funding commitment of $4.1 billion for reconstruction and rehabilitation works from the international community.
The international community, including Non-Resident Nepali Association (NRNA) has also mourned the sudden demise of Koirala.
NRNA president Shesh Ghale, in a statement, said that Koirala’s death had stunned the association. "We have lost our parent, who always remained helpful and guided the NRNA in its movement," he is quoted in the statement. "Koirala’s demise has caused an irreparable loss to the nation."

The Banker recognises Ram Sharan Mahat as global ‘Best Finance Minister'

Former finance minister Dr Ram Sharan Mahat has been announced as the 'Best Finance Minister' globally.
The Banker magazine – releasing a press statement today – said that it has selected Mahat as the best finance minister in Asia Pacific region and globally too.
Liberal economist Mahat is the first to be recognised as the global 'Best Finance Minister' by The Banker magazine in South Asia.
Earlier in 2011, then Indian finance minister current Indian president Pranab Mukherjee was awarded best finance minister in Asia Pacific region.
Mahat is credited for making significant contributions in garnering foreign aid to Nepal in aftermath of the devastating earthquakes on April 25 and May 12.
The award has been given for Mahat and his team's 'significant work carried out following the catastrophic earthquakes this year, his pro-activity in making Nepal's challenges known after the natural disasters, and the resilience of Nepal's economy following these calamities', the press statement by the UK's reputed The Banker magazine in its January 2016 edition further reads.
His team had prepared Post-Disaster Needs Assessment (PDNA) report and organised International Conference on Nepal's Reconstruction (ICNR) within the two months of the devastating earthquakes. After the earthquake, the-then finance minister Mahat had played an important role in making positive amendments in the existing banking laws and in providing loans to youth at concessional rates.
"This decision was the outcome of our discussions here at the magazine, and a survey of views among bankers and economists. Many congratulations to you and your colleagues,” read letter sent by the London-based magazine to Mahat. "Survey respondents pointed to the significant work you and your team carried out following the catastrophic earthquakes this year, your pro-activity in making Nepal’s challenges known after the natural disasters, and the resilience of Nepal’s economy following these calamities."
“The Banker‘s Finance Minister of the Year 2016 awards celebrate the officials that have best managed to stimulate growth and stabilise their economy,” the London-based magazine has posted on its website. The magazine is planning to present the award to Mahat, in person, in Nepal sometime this year.
Mahat, a Nepali Congress stalwart, was the Finance Minister for Nepal since February 2014 to October 2015 in the Sushil Koirala-led government. It was his sixth inning at the Finance Ministry since 1994. The pro-reformist Mahat is also credited for his economic reforms during the 1990s that opened the country for foreign investors in various sectors pushing the economic growth to 7.5 per cent before the Maoists started armed revolution.
The Banker has been the premier monthly magazine on global finance since 1926, and is owned by the world-renowned Financial Times group.
Taiwan’s Chang Sheng-ford was named global finance minister of the Year 2015 by The Banker. Chang was picked best finance minister globally and in the Asia-Pacific region too for 2015.